Showing posts with label Butchers Apron. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Butchers Apron. Show all posts

Saturday, 16 July 2022

Neil Mackay: If Afghan death-squad claims are proven the SAS must be disbanded and those guilty jailed for life for war crimes

                   14th July, 2022. 
HOW long have we been learning of such atrocities? Since I was a child in the 1970s? Since my parents were children in the 1950s? Since my grandparents were children in the 1900s?

Britain’s armed forces have a long, shameful and rarely-discussed history of perpetrating war crimes with impunity. Let’s limit our time-frame, and go back only as far as Britain’s Boer War concentration camps, where thousands of women and children perished. But that was the 19th century, surely, the flag-waving uniform-worshipping exceptionalists cry.

Okay, let’s start in the 1920s with Britain’s state-sanctioned brutality during the Irish War of Independence. There’s the original Bloody Sunday, where armed forces, including the infamous Black and Tans, opened fire on civilians during a Gaelic football match at Dublin’s Croke Park, killing 14 people. Later in 1920, soldiers and Black and Tans burned Cork in a barbarous act of reprisal.
Maybe that’s still too far back for some. Let’s move to the 1950s and Kenya’s Mau Mau Rebellion, where British soldiers routinely tortured and sexual assaulted prisoners. Victims had their ears sliced off, holes bored in their eardrums; they were flogged to death, set alight. Eric Griffith-Jones, the attorney-general of the British administration in Kenya, described the treatment of detainees as “distressingly reminiscent of conditions in Nazi Germany”.

   Thomas Burns murdered by the British                           Army 1972. 

Still too far back? Then head over to Northern Ireland from the 1970s to the 1990s. Nobody, surely, needs reminded about the other ‘Bloody Sunday’ where paratroopers shot innocent people in the streets of Derry. There was internment without trial, torture, and perhaps most appallingly of all, the use of terrorist death squads as proxy assassins for the British state. The list goes on, but the stomach weakens at recording such acts of inhumanity by uniformed representatives of the British people, who disgrace the very notion of democracy and freedom.

Yet today there’s surprise and disbelief that British special forces are accused of running murder gangs in Afghanistan. The claims are horribly familiar to anyone with a grasp of history. SAS soldiers repeatedly killed detainees and unarmed civilians during security operations – that’s the long and short of the allegations.

One unit may have ‘unlawfully killed’ 54 people in just six months. There are claims that the former head of special forces, General Sir Mark Carleton-Smith, was briefed about allegations but didn’t pass evidence to the Royal Military Police – even after murder investigations began. Carleton-Smith went on to become head of the army. He stepped down last month.

Individuals who served with the SAS unit say they witnessed unarmed people being killed. They also claim that “drop weapons” were used. That’s AK-47s planted to justify killings. The BBC’s investigation ‘SAS Death Squads Exposed: A British War Crime?’ raises fundamental questions about the nature of our democracy.

How can we call ourselves a democracy if our military carries out atrocities? Aren’t we committed to human rights, liberty and the rule of law? Apparently not if some of our most elite soldiers are a hallmark of Britain. And the armed forces do represent the nation. We’re told repeatedly the military represents the “best” of Britain; well the military clearly, and often, also represents the worst of Britain.

The former head of the British armed forces, General Lord Richards, says if he were still in charge he’d “order a thorough investigation”. The Ministry of Defence, however, says no new evidence has been presented, and accuses the BBC of jumping to “unjustified conclusions”. Sir Howard Morrison, a former judge at the International Criminal Court, says: “at the very least a judge-led inquiry should be established”. A judge-led inquiry investigated similar allegations against Australian special forces.
If allegations against the SAS are proven, the only just course of action must be the instant disbandment of the regiment, and life sentences for anyone found guilty of war crimes. Any other organisation found responsible for such offences would cease to exist, so the same goes for the SAS.
.   Tobias Molloy murdered by the British                             Army 1972 

Like police officers, soldiers carry ultimate power and authority. To breach that is to debase the nation. In truth, the army – like police officers, politicians and the judiciary – must be held to higher account than the rest of us. If ordinary civilians carry out grave crimes, we don’t do so while representing the British state, we don’t do so with the power of the British state behind us.

However, the British government has been trying its damnedest to make sure that the armed forces are, indeed, held to a lesser standard of accountability than ordinary civilians. There was fury in Northern Ireland when it emerged Boris Johnson’s government wanted to ban prosecutions of British army veterans for crimes committed during “The Troubles”. And isn’t “The Troubles” a very British understated way of describing an ethnic civil war in which the UK played such a gruesome, dark role?

The Johnson government also wanted to exempt British soldiers from prosecution for crimes including torture and genocide. Defence Secretary Ben Wallace, an ex-soldier, said the bill would end “vexatious hounding of veterans and our armed forces by ambulance-chasing lawyers motivated not by the search for justice but by their own crude financial enrichment”. The assault on decency and justice is profound.

Amnesty described the British government’s “Troubles” legacy bill as giving “murderers and those responsible for torture a free pass”.

A uniform isn’t a get-out-of-jail-free card. Those who put on a uniform to represent this country must, like police officers, be of the highest calibre; they must be the best amongst us. But, like the police, the army is disgraced by too many who serve within its ranks.

For generations, the army and its government masters have sought to sweep crime after crime under the carpet – all the while pushing false narratives, riddled with glib and ugly patriotism, that the military is beyond reproach and above criticism.

That’s a lie. If there’s anything decent left to be salvaged from the wreckage of Britain today, then let’s start with our sense of justice and ensure those in uniform are held publicly to account.

No more cover-up for the boys in camouflage.

With many thanks to the: Herald Scotland and Neil Mackay Writer at large for the original publication. 






A Killing Aforethought

Thomas Burns was shot by a British soldier as he tried to leave a social club after an evening out with his friends. RICHARD RUDKIN has the harrowing story of what followed 
     Thomas Burns was murdered by the                             British Army 

UNLESS you are a family fighting for truth and justice, it's impossible to understand just how emotional it must be to have it finally confirmed in court for all the world to see, that your loved one, murdered and labeled as a terrorist by agencies of the British government during the Troubles, was, in fact, an innocent unarmed civilian. 

However, like a factory conveyor belt, as one act of injustice is acknowledged by the British government, another family comes to the fore. 

On Wednesday July 12th 1972, 32-year-old Thomas Burns was enjoying a drink with his friends in the Glenpark social club in Belfast. 

At about 1am, as the sound of sporadic gunfire heard earlier appeared to have ceased, the friends decided to make their way home to their families. 

    Tobias Molloy murdered by the British                              Army 1972 

A British army base British located close to the social club used an arc searchlight during the hours of darkness.

However, due to incidents of loyalist gunmen taking shots at patrons leaving the club, soldiers at the base were well accustomed to turning off the light when requested to allow them to exit the premises under cover of darkness. 

As the friends prepared to leave, Burns was first to the door and shouted down to the soldiers to turn off the light. 

With no sign of the light going off, Burns shouted down a second time. 

Still, the light remained on. After another few minutes waiting, he leaned out from the relative safety of cover to ask again. 

As he did so, a British soldier fired two shots, hitting Burns in the chest. 

Bleeding heavily from his wounds, he was dragged back into the club by his friends. 

Seconds later, one of them, Malachy Fanning, went outside to call for an ambulance and a priest. By now, the arc light was off. 

No ambulance ever came. Instead, British soldiers arrived in an armoured vehicle and ordered the friends to hand Burns over to them. 

As Burns's condition was deteriorating, the British soldiers were encouraged to take him to the Mater Hospital, situated no more than three minutes away. 

The vehicle set off down the Oldpark Road where the vehicle broke down and came under fire. Eventually, the vehicle slowly moved off down towards a British army checkpoint. 

Witnesses who had been allowed to travel with Burns state that at this checkpoint, they felt threatened and intimidated when two members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA loyalist paramilitaries) appeared on the scene. 

It was only when Fanning produced his ID card confirming he was a serving member of the British Royal Navy and showed it to the Royal Marines that he intervened. 
The Butchers Apron 

When the military ambulance finally arrived, only two people, Jim McLaughlin and one other were permitted to accompany Burns to the hospital. 

Despite previously being advised of the hospital only minutes away, Burns instead was taken to the Royal Victoria Hospital, which was further away, where he was admitted at 1.55am, almost one hour after being shot. 

Sadly, at 7.35am Thomas Burns lost his fight for life. However for his family, like many other families in the North of Ireland, the fight for the truth of why Burns was shot was just beginning. 

As in many cases, the pain of losing a loved one in such a needless fashion is made worse when the finger of blame for their premature death, instead of being placed where it should be - on the person who pulled the trigger - is pointed at the victim. This case would be no different. 
              MP: Royal Military Police 

In the early days of the Troubles, investigating incidents involving British soldiers was the responsibility of the military police. 

In essence, one branch of the British army investigated another branch of the British army. 

The problems with this are numerous. For instance, the time from when the incident occurred to when the statements were taken could be hours or days. 

Moreover, not all statements were taken face to face. The statements were not detailed, cross-referenced and scrutinised for inconsistencies by the Military police. 

Nor were statements assessed against the location, to see if what the soldiers claimed to have witnessed could be seen from where they claimed to have been positioned. 

However, again, like others incidents of this nature, while the military police were obtaining statements, in another branch of the British army, a press report was released to the media, implying that their soldiers had returned fire and killed a gunman.
 

The justification by the security forces for taking the life of Thomas Burns had begun. 

Although Burns had no association with any republican movement, his wife Kathleen received a notification from the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) regarding the funeral arrangements. 

It stipulated the route the funeral cortege must take and warned that displaying the tricolour flag was prohibited. 

The reason for this was, of course, to reinforce the media story that had portrayed Burns as a republican gunman. 

However, the British army account began to unravel in 1977, when Kathleen Burns was awarded criminal injuries compensation. 

  British Bill of Rights - RIP Victims Rights     - RIP Human Rights - RIP Truth - RIP                             Accountability! 

This was confirmation that Thomas had died of a criminal injury, and therefore had been "unlawfully killed" and his death was not "misadventure" which was the verdict of the jury returned in the coroner's court in 1973.

When the historical enquiries team (HET) completed its investigation into the death of Burns before being disbanded in 2013, one paragraph appertaining to the results of the firearm residue swabs from both Burns and his friend Jim McLoughlin stated: "No lead was detected on the hand swabs and nothing of evidential value was found following an examination of Tommy's clothing. 

"No trace of firearms was found at the scene and there was no forensic evidence to connect Tommy or Jim to a firearm." 

The HET also identified inconsistencies within the British soldiers' statements. 

One former soldier who the HET was able to interview recalled the event. However, his recollections significantly differ from the statements gathered by the military police. 

Confirmation of Burns innocence is there for all to see in the conclusion reached by the HET: "Tommy's death was a tragedy which should not have happened. 

"He was not a gunman and he did not pose any threat to the security forces."

Yet despite all this, the family of Thomas Burns has continued to be denied truth and justice, beginning with a fresh inquest followed by a full investigation into his death. 

This case, like many others, highlights the lack of thorough investigations which have left families fighting and struggling for decades to clear the names of their loved ones. 

It is also why, when military vetreans, commentators and politicians speak out in defence of former British soldiers facing questioning over historic shootings, their statements must be challenged and where necessary corrected with facts. 

Moreover, the case of Thomas Burns, like many others, some yet to be highlighted, demolishes any suggestion that reinvestigating cases of this nature is pointless because they were all investigated at the time. 

For anyone to make such a suggestion insulting to the families and an attempt to deny the innocent victims justice. This must not be allowed to happen. 

With many thanks to the: morningstaronline.co.uk and Richard Red Star for the original publication.